Other Reports: Feeling the Pinch
Economic (In)Security
May Quaker Witness, 2002
Martha Yager
A north wind blew as I talked with the homeless man in Washington DC. Heād been homeless for two months, ever since his disability check had been stolen and he couldn't pay the rent on his room. He had to wait a few months and try to save money so he could pay both the rent and the deposit on a new room. In the meantime he lived as best he could on the streets. He asked why I bothered to talk to "a dirty old man like me". I said I worked a bit with homeless people in New Hampshire. He was stunned. "You got homeless people in New Hampshire? Oh man, it's cold up there. This is worse than I thought."
It is worse than we want to think. In 2001 in New Hampshire more than 6000 people (over 1000 of whom were children) were sheltered in the stateās 39 shelters and another 9000 people were turned away. This winter five "winter emergency shelters" were opened and still the existing shelters reported being full or over-full every single night. This doesn't begin to give an accurate count of those who are homeless, as it does not reflect the individuals and families doubled up with family or friends or those that chose to manage out side of the shelter system.
How did we get here? In the early 1980s, as the effect of cuts in social spending set in (HUD funding was cut dramatically from 1976–1980) and unemployment soared, the country began to see an increase in homelessness. The first homeless shelters were built. Most people thought they would be temporary. At that point the face of homelessness looked more like the stereotype—mostly white males who were addicts and/or mentally ill and who had been deinstitutionalized from mental hospitals. As the 80s continued, the face of homelessness got younger and younger. Services and housing that had been public resources were privatized and "streamlined"—leaving increasing numbers of people without assistance. A policy shift occurred from preventing homelessness to assisting people once they become homeless. As public housing aged, it often was torn down without building anything to replace it. Wages over the last 15 years for low wage jobs remained stagnant and didn't begin to keeping up with the increasing cost of living. Land costs are soaring, driving up the cost of new construction. An acute shortage of housing stock is driving up both rents and single-family home costs. With increasing criminalization of homelessness through local laws against panhandling, loitering and sleeping in public places, it sometimes looks as though prisons are the new public housing. As my street friend might put it: it's a big, complicated mess.
Looking at the federal budget doesn't give any cause for hope. Food stamps were reauthorized at existing funding levels, which is a net loss as cost continue to rise. Now the focus is on TANF (Transitional Assistance to Needy Families) reauthorization. Again level funding with flexibility to use funds for childcare, education and housing supports as parents move into jobs, will be a victory. Congressmen/women that don't actively want to cut the program pine that "we would really like to do more, but there just isn't the money." But lack of money isn't stopping Congress from endorsing huge increases in defense spending. Although the Budget Office warns that there isn't money for tax cuts (which are a huge benefit to the wealthiest people), there is the political will for tax cuts, so they will happen anyway. In other words, where there is the will there is a way—there just is no will for addressing poverty and its causes.
Yet. What politicians seem blissfully unaware of is growing disenchantment with business as usual. There is outrage at companies that play by their own rules at the expense of workers and at the government that rewards them with tax breaks. Federal legislation for a living wage, a Housing Trust Fund (to build new affordable housing) and a Racial Equity and Fair Treatment Bill are all showing ćsurprisingä grassroots support. Homeless people and their allies are organizing for basic civil and economic rights. And, most hopeful of all, these grassroots groups are beginning to talk to each other.
This growing movement for basic economic rights needs active support. There are a lot of ways to get involved. Many churches and individuals are joining in the Call to Renewal and Jobs With Justice campaigns. While those have national actions, their strength will be building local campaigns. Many communities are considering Living Wage ordinances. New affordable housing proposals face intense "not in my back yard" responses and need local advocates to voice support at planning board meetings. As political campaigns heat up, candidates need to be asked, often, about their positions on these initiatives—and then be held accountable after the election. And in the meantime, most food pantries are in dire need of donations, shelters need school and personal supplies and financial support.
Web sites to learn from:
www.chn.org: Campaign for Human Needs, major resource for TANF reauthorization activities
www.natprior.org: National Priorities Project. Great resource on military versus domestic spending, with resources for each state and many cities.
www.ncc.org: National Council of Churches resources on poverty and the Call to Renewal.
www.ufenet.org: United for a Fair Economy.
www.universallivingwage.org: Universal Living Wage campaign, supporting federal and local campaigns.
www.nlihc.org: National Low Income Housing Coalition.
www.nationalhomeless.org: National Coalition for the Homeless.
www.nhtf.org: National Housing Trust Fund
